ust as preferred gender pronouns are intended to promote equity and inclusion for transgender and genderqueer people, we should also think of our migration vocabulary as a way to dignify people from diverse backgrounds on the move and to de-colonize our knowledge.
Institutional racism starts even before the complex bureaucratic processes of inclusion and exclusion that immigrants encounter.
The violence of 1603 marks the origin of an historical genealogy tethered to the present. The hyper-sexualization of Asian men and women, a fundamental trope of the pop culture lexicon, has a bloody past. There is no indication that this trend has diminished. I
From East Germany, parallels can be drawn across Europe and America, with automation and outsourcing displacing comparable demographic groups in Italy, France, the UK, and America.
Chinese students’ restricted mobility during the Covid-19 pandemic exposes the double-layered pressure for international students’ mobility: cultural alienation and political marginalization.
Even in these dire times, welfare chauvinism is a pervasive public opinion where a considerable share of native-born citizens would like to treat recent immigrants as second-class citizens when it comes to hospital treatment for acute COVID-19.
Scholars, practitioners and decision-makers alike have reasons to be sensitive to how ‘homeland’ corruption affects the lives of those who return, and the practical and policy implications that this entails.